Introduction

Born in 63 BCE and named Gaius Octavius, he was adopted by Julius Caesar in 44. Octavius allied with and then defeated Mark Antony in 31 at the Actium battle (Richardson, 2016). After this act of civil war, he managed to consolidate his resources and conquer the whole of the Mediterranean region at 32. Over the next 45 years, Octavian (soon to be named Augustus) ruled the Roman world. He enacted legislation, rebuilt the city of Rome, and unified the region economically, politically, and religiously (Barret, 2016). His period was that of a great cessation from warfare to Roman peace. He was able to promote social warfare and reform, military might, and political harmony, much of which is represented in his sculpture, conveying his ideology.

 The res gestae Divi Augusti includes an account of his life accomplishments as the first Roman emperor. The document was disseminated throughout the empire after he died in 14 C.E. The author was Augustus himself, thus undoubtedly biased and intended to portray himself as a positive and effective ruler (Bosworth, 2015). One way we can determine this is in the way he portrays the rising political power bestowed on him by the Roman senate, the people, and government organs, as mentioned in the passage. While in the text there is an impression that the power was offered rather than sought and only accepted reluctantly, more likely to go to the appearance of a democratic rule, the real historical records differ.

 This essay seeks to analyse the passage representing one of Augustus’ moments, the regestaete 5-6, which was an inscription erected on pillars outside the mausoleum on the Campus Martius. As such, the document includes a strong affiliation with death, iteration, and writing. However, he described his power as auctorial (Richardson, 2016). The performative discourse theory of Jacques Derrida, Judith Butler, and Pierre Bourdieu assists in analysing authority’s need for representation and how help from the media enabled him to consolidate his power. The passage comes out as a figure of thought that unites pragmatics, transmission, ideology, and representation (Dio, 2015).

In paragraph 5, he omits that the then-high priest, who was his most trusted co-triumvir, Lepidus’s life. He doesn't mention the word at all. Also, he does not mention Marc Antony’s name anywhere. Thus, by omitting the names of those he shared power with and those he took power from, he gives an unrealistic impression of unilateral achievement (Barret, 2016). Emperor Augustus places himself at the very center of power. From the sixth paragraph, he grossly under-represents the extent of his power as the Roman ruler. Many historians have put a traditional mark to the end of the Roman Republic and the genesis of the Roman Empire during this event. As Fagan (2016) wrote, “using this settlement, Augustus was simultaneously commander, savior, and leader.

He mentions the tribunician power in paragraph six; a tribune was a title referring to a group of elected officials during the Roman era. These tribunes had the power to convene a plebeian council and also lead in its presence, which automatically gave them the right to propose legislation during normal proceedings. They had the power to veto actions recommended by the magistrates and specifically intervened legally on behalf of plebeians. Nonetheless, the tribune’s power was effective only in Rome; thus, his ability to veto was not accepted in other regions.

Augustus was offered all the powers of the tribunate without needing to have an office. Hence formed the basis of his constitutional authority (other than imperium proconsulare maius) (Cooley, 2013). With this, he had the power to convene the Senate and also veto; he could also exercise capital punishment while performing his duties. As such, he was able to enjoy the state’s protection of his person and life. From this moment on, he used the tribunate office rather than the consulship to legalise the actual supreme power that he was able to wield. Thus, he altered the balance of power without seeming to do so.

Augustus was a master of political propaganda. He was able to marshal different types of public displays while making new status and power seem well-deserved and justified. In paragraph five, which mainly talks about his refusal of offices, shows that he wants to convey a certain impression. As Dio (2015) states, as for the dictatorship, he refused to take up the office since he felt that he was superior to other dictators in the honor and power in his possession. He also jealously guarded against the hatred brought about by the title. Nevertheless, he faced two major challenges related to his position. First, he had to deal with famine in 22 BC, when the citizens yearned for him to be the dictator, he refused the office outright and even tore his clothes and knelt in an attempt to refuse it.  Augustus did all these since he could not find other ways to persuade his people (Bosworth, 2015). He used his influence as the Imperium to gain control over the supply of grain to deal with the crisis. At the same time, the Senate increased his power by granting him the position of the consular for life with the right to hold symbols representing the authority of the consular, and he was also allowed to sit in the symbolic chair between the two consuls.

Conclusion

Augustus’ inscription, the res gestae, gives the reader an overwhelming objective account of Augustus’ life as the first Roman Emperor. Specifically, about how he amasses his political power and military might, he repeatedly misrepresents the process, whether in his role as the consul, pontifex maximum, triumvir, or emperor. Thus, the rest taste is more of propaganda than his actual autobiography. Ultimately, his main goal is to portray the empire as a democracy under his reign. In these two chapters, he shows how powerful and useful he is through the authority and position given to him by the Senate and the people. He is given tribunician power, thus able to veto, punish, or go against the law as he wishes since he is at the top of the law.

References

Barrett, A.A. (2016). Augustus: First Emperor of Rome. By Adrian Goldsworthy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Bosworth, B., 2015. Augustus, the Res Gestae, and Hellenistic theories of apotheosis. The Journal of Roman Studies, 89, pp.1-18.

Cooley, A.E. (2013). Res gestae Divi Augusti: text, translation, and commentary. Cambridge University Press.

Dio, S. (2015),’ Displaying the Res Gestae of Augustus: a monument of the imperial image for all’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, vol. 57, no. 1, pp.30-45.

Garret, G.F. (2016),’ The Imperium of Augustus’, The Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 41, no. 1-2, pp.112-119.

Richardson, J. (2016). Divus Augustus. The first Roman Emperor and his World.

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